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- <text id=90TT3156>
- <link 91TT0505>
- <link 90TT0057>
- <link 89TT2889>
- <title>
- Nov. 26, 1990: "You Sold Your Office"
- </title>
- <history>
- TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1990 Highlights
- The American Economy
- </history>
- <history>
- TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1990
- Nov. 26, 1990 The Junk Mail Explosion!
- </history>
- <article>
- <source>Time Magazine</source>
- <hdr>
- NATION, Page 35
- "You Sold Your Office"
- </hdr><body>
- <p>A scandalous congressional fund-raising system goes on trial
- along with the Senate's Keating Five
- </p>
- <p> There was none of the crackling tension of Army v. McCarthy
- or Iran-contra, yet last week's hearings of the Senate ethics
- committee were almost as historic. Never before had five
- Senators faced the judgment of their peers in such a public
- tribunal. Seated at separate tables to underscore their
- differing levels of involvement with indicted savings and loan
- wheeler-dealer Charles Keating, the five were fighting to
- regain reputations earned in a lifetime of public service. Their
- common challenge, as described in the gravel tones of
- committee chairman Howell Heflin of Alabama, was to erase the
- perception that "your services were bought by Charles Keating,
- that you were bribed, that you sold your office."
- </p>
- <p> Also on trial, albeit indirectly, was an election-financing
- system in which Senators grovel for contributions to finance
- ever more costly TV campaigns, then listen best to the wishes
- of those who give the most. Anticipating the claim that each
- of the five had merely taken proper steps to help a
- constituent, special counsel Robert Bennett declared, "These
- activities went beyond the norm of constituent service." In
- helping Keating, who awaits trial for defrauding investors in
- his defunct California-based Lincoln Savings & Loan and in its
- parent, American Continental Corp., the Senators, Bennett
- charged, had ignored the welfare of many more constituents --
- including the taxpayers, who will spend some $2 billion because
- of what he called "the looting of Lincoln." Keating had
- contributed nearly $1.4 million to the Senators' various
- campaign affiliations.
- </p>
- <p> Bennett made distinctions between the culpability of each
- of the five. He implied that the actions of Arizona Republican
- John McCain and Ohio Democrat John Glenn were not serious
- enough to warrant punishment. He portrayed Michigan Democrat
- Donald Riegle as deceptive and suspiciously forgetful. He laid
- the heaviest blame on California Democrat Alan Cranston and
- Arizona Democrat Dennis DeConcini. Cranston, who will undergo
- cancer treatments this week, has announced that he will not
- seek re-election. Still, Bennett did not spare any of the five
- in his six-hour summation:
- </p>
- <p> McCain. A longtime friend and vacation companion of the S&L
- boss, the Arizona Republican and his wife had frequently
- traveled on Keating's company planes. McCain attended two key
- meetings in 1987 with the other Senators (Riegle missed one of
- them) to press their benefactor's complaints that then Federal
- Home Loan Bank Board chairman Edwin Gray and the board's San
- Francisco regulators were harassing Lincoln Savings. McCain
- asked the White House to name a Keating crony to the board. But
- McCain refused to relay a Keating-suggested compromise to the
- regulators. Though seeing no improper conduct by McCain, Bennett
- asked, "Why did he go to the meetings?"
- </p>
- <p> Glenn. The astronaut hero wrote letters at Keating's
- request, seeking a delay in imposing restrictions on
- investments by savings institutions. He also attended the two
- meetings with the other Senators. But when he learned at the
- second session that criminal charges were being considered
- against Lincoln, he cut off most dealings with Keating. A
- notable exception: he set up a meeting between Lincoln's chief
- and then House Speaker Jim Wright. Asked Bennett: "Why?"
- </p>
- <p> Riegle. While claiming a foggy memory on how the meeting
- with Gray came about, Riegle insisted that he had been invited
- by DeConcini. Bennett said the facts were otherwise: it was
- Riegle who first approached Gray about a meeting. He did so
- after visiting the American Continental offices in Phoenix,
- where employees donated $11,000 to his campaign at Keating's
- urging.
- </p>
- <p> DeConcini. He was described as almost slavishly responsive
- to every request from Lincoln's boss, including joining the
- drive to get Gray fired and a Keating crony appointed to the
- bank board. He was Keating's main spokesman at both meetings
- with the other Senators and was the one who presented Keating's
- compromise offer to the examiners. He also telephoned a
- California state official to intercede on Lincoln's behalf.
- Asked Bennett: "Why is a U.S. Senator calling a state
- regulator?"
- </p>
- <p> Cranston. Bennett claimed that Cranston had not only
- received $850,000 from Keating for voter-registration drives
- but also solicited four contributions from the S&L head, often
- after pleading on his behalf with regulators. Keating even
- extended Cranston a $300,000 line of credit that he could have
- used, but did not, in his 1986 campaign.
- </p>
- <p> In their opening rebuttals, the Senators, who could be
- cleared by the committee or face punishment ranging from
- reprimands to expulsion from the Senate, insisted that their
- actions had been proper under existing rules. Riegle charged
- that Bennett had omitted exonerating evidence. Glenn noted that
- he had rejected a Keating fund-raising offer once he learned
- that Lincoln was under criminal investigation. But it was
- Cranston who offered the defense that could be most effective
- with his colleagues. If what the five had done was wrong,
- Cranston warned, "you better run for cover, because every
- Senator has done it." If true, that was a powerful argument for
- reform.
- </p>
- <p>By Ed Magnuson. Reported by Hays Gorey/Washington.
- </p>
-
- </body></article>
- </text>
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